"Education is the passport for the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today," Malcolm X said. These words could apply to any group of people. However, the message is of special significance to the black community. America has a history of depriving Black people of equal educational opportunities. Anti-literacy laws passed on the state level offer a prime example. In 1829, Georgia passed a law prohibiting Black people from reading and writing. In the following year, Louisiana and North Carolina joined them. In 1832, Alabama and Virginia passed their anti-literacy legislation. Georgia did, too, through an employment law in 1833. Missouri prohibited any assembly to teach enslaved people how to read in 1847. Punishments for breaking these laws ranged from fines, imprisonment, and public flogging.
An 1858 Telegraph-Courier article reported that Virginia authorities arrested "ninety negroes." A group of white locals caught them "learning to read" together at church. While their behavior harmed no one, they broke the state law. Richmond paper editors attempted to defend the mass arrest. They claimed Black people should only receive "oral" lessons. And insisted that anti-literacy laws prevented "negroes from obtaining an education" to "do mischief." Their assessment revealed racial bias in their reporting, as it relied upon the stereotype that Black people are more likely to commit crimes. And less likely to contribute anything positive to society. In that way, editors helped to justify punishing a group of Black people for reading the Bible. Their accomplices also faced consequences.
A few years earlier, a vest maker, Margaret Douglass, faced prosecution for the same "crime." While no state law prohibited a White woman from reading, she could not teach Black students. On May 9, 1853, two policemen raided her home and discovered her teaching a Black girl, Kate, and others. In southern newspapers, they tarnished her reputation. Prosecutor Victor Vagabond claimed she "wickedly, maliciously," and "feloniously" engaged in this behavior. If this pile of adverbs seems absurd, it speaks to the nature of resistance to Black literacy. A jury of her peers convicted Douglass. And Judge Scalawag shared his disapproval of her behavior. "You are guilty of one of the vilest crimes that ever disgraced society" in teaching "a slave girl to read," he said. To read their comments, without context, someone may think she was guilty of violence. Instead, she only taught people how to read.
"They were opposed to educating the blacks before the and are opposed to it now," an 1880 article in Brown County World read, describing the problem. Once educated, they could no longer "bulldoze or cheat them by tissue ballots," editors wrote, explaining their fear of Black literacy. In Kansas, White citizens wanted "Black children to be turned out of public school and set off in a separate room." This occurred despite "colored children" never creating "any disturbance" to justify their removal. This was the beginning of racial segregation in schools. During slavery, Black people were prohibited from reading and writing. After that, a movement grew to deprive them of equal access. To separate them and cast them aside. And in that way, maintain the dual myths of white superiority and black inferiority.
Those who know their rights are more likely to assert and defend them. And it's precisely because of this impact that many Southerners resisted equal education. In a fair society, citizens knowing their rights would be business as usual, not a calamity. But, many White people saw unfettered access to public education as a threat. Take, for instance, an 1889 speech by former Confederate general James R. Chalmers. "The whites are now educating the negroes, and this means that it would in the end give power to the blacks," he warned. With access to education, Black people could "overcome, and forever destroy white supremacy." Many White people responded with a call to "close the public schools," rather than share them with Black students.
The impact of anti-literacy laws and opposition to Black education was stark. Very few Black people could read by the end of the Civil War. And racist laws capitalized upon this educational disparity. For instance, in 1890, Mississippi introduced literacy tests for voters. Officials knew generations of discrimination deprived Black people of access to education. That's why they included these unnecessary barriers to the ballot box. Since they couldn't prohibit Black people from voting outright, they settled for the next best thing, limiting their ability to do so. On the other side of the coin were Black people committed to self-improvement. After the Civil War, student enrollment rose from "10 percent in 1870 to 34 percent in 1880." While 80 percent of the Black population was illiterate in 1870, the rate dropped to 44 percent by 1900. Their swift improvement demonstrated that when granted opportunities, Black Americans excelled.
Today, the attack on Black people's access to education looks a lot different. States no longer have anti-literacy laws on the books. You won't face prosecution for reading or teaching others how. And it's illegal to segregate public schools racially. But, Black people continue to face barriers to education. This is, in part, because of disparities in school funding. Conservatives often claim college admissions and hiring practices should only consider merit. Yet, they overlook the relationship between school funding, grades, and standardized test scores. The more money invested, the better students perform. We have to fix the system to ensure students receive equal educational investment. Or concede that the system is unfair, considering how racism impacts Black applicants and other marginalized groups. That's what affirmative action policies attempted before the Supreme Court struck them down.
As it stands, Black students are twice as likely to attend schools in underfunded districts and 3.5 times more likely to participate in schools in "chronically underfunded districts." Our nation, at times, seems entrenched in denial. But we're not living in a country where students have equal access to education. Separating students into private schools is not the answer. Nor does it serve our society to maintain disparate conditions. As Chief Justice Earl Warren noted in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, "the doctrine of separate but equal has no place. Separate facilities," he argued," are "inherently unequal." The most obvious solution is to close the gap by providing aid to underfunded schools. When this is done, "federal education aid can serve as a vital bridge to more adequate and equitable funding." Many states depend upon this supplemental federal aid to keep schools open and operational.
The assault on black history illustrates ongoing barriers to education. They come in the form of anti-woke, anti-critical race theory legislation. Like anti-literacy laws, they are passed at the state level. At least sixteen passed laws prohibiting teachers from discussing race in public schools. This means that fewer students will have access to "textbooks about Black people." These measures bury simple historical facts for revealing uncomfortable truths about race relations in American society. President Trump has threatened funding for public schools that teach students about race or gender. Teaching students why Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat is enough to land some teachers in hot water. States no longer have anti-literacy laws on the books. Yet, these censorship laws undermine citizens' freedom to read. And specifically target narratives written by Black authors.
In another move, Trump issued an executive order prioritizing federal funding for school choice programs. Those who support privatization claim this empowers parents. Yet, in action, these policies have aided white flight, an anti-integration strategy. Many opted to move to the suburbs or send their children to private schools rather than mixed schools in urban areas. This explains why many schools remain de facto segregated by race and class in the modern era. During segregation, Black students were removed from the classroom. Now, White students are the ones leaving in droves. This de-investment in public education has negative consequences. Americans should be aware that school voucher programs divert funding from public institutions. The less funding schools have, the lower we can expect students' average test scores. Some claim we live in a merit-based society, that those who work hard can reap what they sew. But, our current system is depriving Black students of equal opportunities. And funnel funds into private schools that can turn those same students away.
Another shift threatening Black students' access is closing the Department of Education. While the other shoe hasn't dropped yet, reports suggest this decision is imminent. Trump has signaled his support for the plan laid forth by Project 2025. Chapter 11 details the conservative plan to eliminate the department. This would mean the federal government abandoning education to the states. Even those with a shameful history of prohibiting Black citizens from reading. Conservatives also plan to retore "loans and grants" to the "private sector." In this case, students would no longer access federal loans for college and technical schools. As a four-generation Black college graduate, this news is distressing. Public schools provide students with a basic level of education. And help people have been able to carve out careers for themselves. Removing access to education limits opportunities, particularly for Black Americans who face discrimination. Racial disparities will likely widen if the department closes its doors for good.
Approximately 60% of Black students depend on the federal Pell Grant, available for families with income below $40,0000. It's difficult for prospective students to secure funding and qualify for private loans for tuition. Many would if they could, especially if their rates weren't out of this world high. But, many depend on the federal government and its numerous forgiveness programs. The future of this resource is now uncertain under this administration. But, we should remember the purpose it has served. The Department of Education helped to enforce the civil rights protections of students. Title IV of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 authorized the desegregation of public schools. Title VI prohibits discrimination based on someone's race, color, or national origin. Conservatives called this department "woke," in Project 2025, implying it had given way to modern sentimen. Yet, addressing racial and other forms of discrimination is consistent with federal law.
In that same speech in 1964 at the founding rally for the Organization for Afro-American Unity, Malcolm X argued, "Education is an important element in the struggle for human rights." "It is the means to help our children and our people rediscover their identity." And "increase their self-respect." And thus, it's of great social interest to protect Black students' access to education. We should take necessary steps to safeguard access, regardless of the resistance to that goal, because we can't afford to turn back. Not after how far Black Americans have traveled.
This post originally appeared on Medium and is edited and republished with author's permission. Read more of Dr. Allison Gaines' work on Medium.